Archive for September 2006

Readings on intelligence

September 30, 2006

Academia / CIA

Coleman, Peter. The Liberal Conspiracy: The Congress for Cultural Freedom and the Struggle for the Mind of Postwar Europe. New York: The Free Press, 1989. 333 pages.
Peter Coleman is a former member of the Australian parliament and editor of the Australian journal “Quadrant,” one of the literary magazines established in the 1950s by the CIA-funded Congress for Cultural Freedom. This explains his interest in exposing and apologizing for the “liberal conspiracy” of post-war intellectuals who fed at the trough of the Western spymasters. He inadvertently exposes them because even though the facts were well-established they have never been coherently compiled. But Coleman would rather apologize for them, as most of these “idealistic, courageous, and far- sighted” men did not know that the CIA regarded them as just another front.
 
From 1950 until the exposure of the CIA’s penetration of domestic foundations in the mid-1960s, the Congress for Cultural Freedom spawned international seminars, regional programs, and about two dozen cultural, literary, and political magazines throughout the Western world (the flagship was England’s “Encounter”). Many leading intellectuals were involved: Sidney Hook, Arthur Koestler, Melvin J. Lasky, Irving Kristol, Dwight Macdonald, Daniel Bell, Edward Shils, and Ignazio Silone. After CIA funding ended in 1967 the Ford Foundation tried to take up the slack, but CCF was never quite able to recover from the embarrassment.
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Diamond, Sigmund. Compromised Campus: The Collaboration of Universities with the Intelligence Community, 1945-1955. New York: Oxford University Press, 1992. 371 pages.
Sigmund Diamond is a Columbia professor who received his Ph.D. from Harvard in 1953. In 1954 he was offered a position by Harvard dean McGeorge Bundy. But McCarthy was playing to audiences everywhere, and Bundy withdrew the offer after discovering that Diamond would refuse to name names if asked by the FBI or a congressional committee. Now it is almost forty years later. Diamond has the inside scoop after numerous FOIA requests filed with the FBI, access to private collections and archives, and dozens of interviews.
Much of this book deals with the FBI on campus and their use of informants (including Henry Kissinger and William F. Buckley), although it breaks off before the FBI got really nasty in the late 1960s. That still leaves two revealing chapters on Harvard’s Russian Research Center. The first scholars who specialized in international studies were sponsored by the OSS/CIA, with funding laundered by the Carnegie, Rockefeller, and Ford Foundations. These scholar-spooks prostituted their prestige to rubber- stamp the Cold War (possibly the biggest waste of precious resources ever devised in human history to respond to a nonexistent threat). They had a lot of fun doing it, and would probably do it again. This book is essential for anyone interested in the CIA-campus connection.
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Saunders, Frances Stonor. The Cultural Cold War: The CIA and the World of Arts and Letters. New York: The New Press, 2000. 509 pages. First published in 1999 by Granta (UK) as Who Paid the Piper?
If you ever had any doubt that “free” Western liberals were hiding as much dirty laundry as the Commies they criticized, then answer this: Why was a book of this caliber so long in coming? Why did it take an independent film producer from London (she is also arts editor at New Statesman) to write the best book on the CIA since The Invisible Government appeared in 1964 — before she was even born? Are U.S. journalists and publishers simply asleep at the wheel of history, or is something more sinister going on? Is U.S. culture rot merely becoming painfully obvious, or are we getting dumbed down by design?
Saunders is a relentless investigator, and she writes with a gifted blend of reserve, irony, and passion. Her book is about how the CIA massively funded cultural activities during the Cold War, including books, journals, magazines, films, international conferences, and even Abstract Expressionism. Although many of the foundations and conduits used by the CIA were exposed in 1967, about 70 percent of the information in this book, by Saunders’ estimate, has never before appeared in print. It took her six years of pursuing interviews, private collections of papers, and foundation records (the CIA ignored her FOIA request). Truly a brilliant achievement.
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Simpson, Christopher. Science of Coercion: Communication Research and Psychological Warfare, 1945-1960. New York: Oxford University Press, 1996. 204 pages.
Communication research is a small academic field that evolved within the social sciences, and is reflected today in the fields of print and broadcast journalism, public relations, and advertising. Its early research was sponsored by government funding for psychological warfare, which reached $1 billion annually in the early 1950s. Carnegie and Ford, working closely with the government, were secondary sources of funding. Behind this money was a massive U.S. intelligence bureaucracy that was honing techniques for clandestine warfare around the globe. Soon it became “counterinsurgency” and “special forces,” and now it is called “low-intensity conflict.”
The scholars who cashed in thought they were engaged in “value-free science.” Simpson argues that they actually avoided the consideration of values altogether, and absorbed by default the values of their sponsors. The model for psychological warfare, and all of its research, was one of domination. When the government shifted its focus from anti-Sovietism to Third World manipulation, these scholars failed to notice that their craft was essentially destructive. “The supposed beneficiaries of U.S.-sponsored psychological warfare in a long list of countries are worse off today than ever before.” (page 116)
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Simpson, Christopher, ed. Universities and Empire: Money and Politics in the Social Sciences During the Cold War. New York: The New Press, 1998. 277 pages.
This is a collection of ten heavily-footnoted essays by scholars. Most of them examine the role of American universities and government funding during the Cold War. Classic examples of this included CIA-funded centers at MIT, Harvard, and Columbia. There was also a heavy CIA presence, usually through the Ford, Carnegie, and Rockefeller foundations, in the development of international studies and area studies on other campuses. Research in such topics is often hampered because documents are still classified, so this book can be considered the tip of the iceberg.
Ellen Herman contributes an excellent chapter on Project Camelot, which was the Pentagon’s ambitious 1963 plan to research Latin American populations, in order to develop a database for waging psychological warfare. Editor Christopher Simpson does the introduction, and has also treated his specialty, the influence of psywar spooks in the development of social science and communications studies, in his book “Science of Coercion.” Finally, Lawrence Soley writes about the invasion of the big corporations. Since Vietnam, these have replaced the Pentagon and CIA on campus, and have compromised many universities just as thoroughly. Soley also treats this better in his own book, “Leasing the Ivory Tower.”
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Winks, Robin W. Cloak and Gown: Scholars in the Secret War, 1939-1961. New York: William Morrow, 1987. 607 pages.
Robin Winks is a history professor at Yale, a university which has thoroughly earned its reputation as the CIA’s alma mater. That this should be a source of pride for Winks is par for the course. One huge chapter (117 pages) is on James Angleton; one long endnote (pp. 495-7) brags about all the historians in academia who were in OSS, and proceeds to list 50 along with their current positions. Despite (or perhaps because of) all this expertise, Winks still gets things wrong: He agrees with his friends that “the CIA played no significant role in the overthrow of President Salvador Allende in Chile in 1973” (p. 446).
The Office of Strategic Services (OSS) was the major U.S. intelligence agency during WW2. Its research branch consisted largely of conscientious humanities and social science liberals from Harvard and Yale. Their sudden access to international secrets, when mixed with inbred academic elitism, proved quite compelling. By war’s end, these opinion-makers had become converts to OSS director William Donovan’s vision of a postwar agency. Despite Truman’s reluctance, Donovan’s old-boy network was formalized into the CIA; the pipe-smoking liberal of the thirties became the cold warrior of the fifties. It wasn’t until the 1960s that the academic community would begin to recover its social conscience.

Selected readings on the arms industry

September 30, 2006

Military / Arms Industry

Broad, William J. Star Warriors. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1985. 245 pages.
In this well-written and judicious book, science reporter William J. Broad chronicles his week inside the nation’s most notorious “skunk works,” or crash military R & D project: the mostly-young “Star Wars” team based at California’s Livermore Laboratory. The Livermore facility is the brainchild of superhawk Edward Teller, who helped develop the H-bomb and later drove philosopher-scientist Robert Oppenheimer from public life. Shunned by his colleagues, Teller cultivated powerful friends among right- wing corporations and think tanks. Over the years, a steady flow of money from rent-a-car magnate John Hertz enabled Teller to recruit Livermore’s pallid army of young physics and math wizards. In 1982, beer baron Joseph Coors and other Heritage Foundation contacts got Teller access to President Reagan, who bought Teller’s pitch for “Star Wars” as an impenetrable high- tech “Astrodome” covering the whole country.
 
Working from unclassified materials, Broad questions the viability of the “Star Wars” concept. (His doubts have been amply confirmed; Teller, we now know, faked his optimistic claims and figures.) Broad also analyzes the complicated motives that can trap idealistic young scientists in Livermore’s golden Gulag. — Steve Badrich
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Broad, William J. Teller’s War: The Top-Secret Story Behind the Star Wars Deception. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1992. 350 pages.
This is William Broad’s second book on the Strategic Defense Initiative. His first book, “Star Warriors,” looked at some of the young scientists working at Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory, which does research and design for nuclear weapons. This book focuses on Edward Teller, the father of the H-bomb. Teller was 73 when Reagan assumed office, but he still ruled Livermore unofficially through the power of his reputation and personality.
In 1981, Teller was pessimistic about the chances of avoiding another world war, particularly if the Soviets beat the U.S. in the development of an antimissile defense. Teller’s solution was to escalate the arms race further, and develop our own defense. The X-ray laser became his new passion. After convincing a gullible Reagan, Teller spent $25 billion on one of the biggest boondoggles in the history of science. Even if it had worked, many felt that it would have merely increased the risk of war.

When George Bush came into office, Teller abandoned the X-ray laser in favor of “Brilliant Pebbles,” an equally unworkable concept that at least had the virtue of being non-nuclear. By now some of the best scientists have left Livermore Labs, which the Soviets have always called the “City of Death.” That, presumably, makes Edward Teller the “Father of Death.”
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Brogan, Patrick and Zarca, Albert. Deadly Business: Sam Cummings, Interarms, and the Arms Trade. New York: W.W. Norton, 1983. 384 pages.
Interarms (formerly Interarmco and officially the International Armaments Corporation) is the world’s largest private arms dealer, and once had enough weapons in their warehouses to equip forty U.S. divisions. The sole owner is Sam Cummings, who got his start working with the CIA to procure weapons for the 1954 coup in Guatemala. By now he has left the spook biz far behind: “I’m glad to be out of it, and I prefer more humdrum deals. They’ll throw you on the chopping block well before they throw themselves, and in the end they’re just as dumb as you and I.”
Interarms still has facilities in Alexandria, Virginia, where the first warehouse began in 1955, but since 1960 Sam Cummings has resided in Monte Carlo with a country place at Villars in the Swiss Alps. His major warehouse is in Manchester, England (Cummings finds the British arms-export regulations to be less vague than American regulations). About 20 percent of his exports from Manchester are sporting guns, and the rest go to foreign governments and armies. Whether Interarms still has CIA connections is open to question, and Cummings seems to enjoy such speculation. It probably gives him a slight competitive edge when dealing with Third World governments who wouldn’t mind a piece of the CIA’s covert-action largesse.
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Fitzgerald, Frances. Way Out There in the Blue: Reagan, Star Wars and the End of the Cold War. New York: Simon & Schuster, 2000. 592 pages.
This is an extremely-detailed study of the evolution of the Strategic Defense Initiative during the Reagan years. With the resurrection of this program under the George W. Bush administration, it becomes more than just another book by a prize-winning historian. Instead, it provides clues that help us read between the lines of current Pentagon press releases.
The first clue is that all the experts conceded in the 1980s that there was no such thing as a “shield” against MAD, or “mutually assured destruction.” They pretended that there was after the administration stumbled into a PR coup. In the early 1980s, a massive global nuclear freeze movement was underway, and Reagan took a dive in the polls. When he naively began talking about a “shield” as an antidote to MAD, his numbers went up and the freeze movement died down. He kept talking, and aides scurried to make it a reality. That was Star Wars in a nutshell. The second clue is even more relevant today. It turns out that what worried the Soviet Union then, and Russia and China today, is that the U.S. is the only country in a position to develop space-based weaponry. These will be “defensive” in public rhetoric, but offensive in reality (just reprogram some chips). Someday, lasers from space may police the world on behalf of the U.S. and its elite transnationalist clientele.
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Goodwin, Jacob. Brotherhood of Arms: General Dynamics and the Business of Defending America. New York: Times Books, 1985. 419 pages.
In 1984 General Dynamics sold nearly $6 billion worth of products to the Defense Department: M-1 tanks to the Army, nuclear-powered submarines and cruise missiles to the Navy, and F-16 fighters and cruise missiles to the Air Force. It was the third largest defense contractor. In 1986 about $146 billion, or $2,400 for every family in the U.S., went from the U.S. treasury into the coffers of the nation’s defense contractors. Despite a return on equity of 37 percent in 1984, GD paid federal income taxes for only one year since 1972. A former general manager of General Dynamics, Panagiotis Takis Veliotis, was indicted on kickback, fraud, conspiracy, perjury, and racketeering charges in 1983. He split to Greece and began cooperating with U.S. investigators, providing them with a slew of documents and tapes of telephone conversations he had with other GD executives during the past decade. This book was published in 1985, the same year that GD chairman David Lewis was forced to retire, and U.S. taxpayers learned about the $9,606 Allen wrench and other wonders of Pentagon procurement.
An update: William Anders, GD’s chief from 1991-1993, sold off three billion in GD assets and slashed 63,000 jobs. But all was not lost — in that period Anders personally pocketed $44.3 million in earnings and stock benefits, becoming the highest-paid executive in the defense industry.
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Grant, Dale. Wilderness of Mirrors: The Life of Gerald Bull. Scarborough, Ontario: Prentice-Hall Canada, 1991. 209 pages.
Gerald Bull was a brilliant scientist who specialized in the physics of giant cannons. He received a doctorate at the University of Toronto at the age of 22, and on March 22, 1990, at the age of 62, he was assassinated in Brussels. Most observers believe that Mossad was responsible, because at the time of his assassination Bull was building a super gun for Iraq.
Bull’s career as a scientist included classified work for both Canada and the U.S. defense establishment. One of his research facilities straddled the U.S.-Canadian border, and another was located on the island of Antigua. Gerald Bull became a U.S. citizen, and his Space Research Corporation (SRC) evolved into a multinational arms-manufacturing and arms-dealing network that was based in Brussels. Bull got into trouble over transfers to South Africa in violation of the international arms embargo, and spent several months in a U.S. federal prison in 1980-81.

One of Bull’s close associates was Gen. Arthur Trudeau, who was chief of U.S. army intelligence from 1953-55 before he retired from the army in 1962. SRC had other spooky connections, and apparently did some work for the CIA. Author Dale Grant presents evidence that one aspect of the CIA’s policy in Angola in the 1970s involved secretly supplying arms to South Africa.
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Hartung, William D. And Weapons For All. New York: HarperCollins, 1994. 341 pages.
According to William Hartung, a professional researcher, the problem can be traced back to a little-noticed Nixon speech in 1969. A new policy was inaugurated that cranked up the volume of U.S. arms transfers to foreign regimes from less than $2 billion per year in the late 1960s to $17 billion per year by the mid-1970s. During the 1970s, U.S. companies sold to the Chilean junta and to the Shah of Iran. In the 1980s it was Stinger missiles for the mujahaddin in Afghanistan (the CIA budgeted $55 million to try and buy them back in 1993), and arms for drug-running contras and secret missiles for Iran. Prior to the Gulf War, we armed Iraq. Flushed with our Gulf success, the Pentagon sent experts to the 1991 air show in Paris to plug U.S. weapons. There they rubbed shoulders with State Department officials, arms industry executives, and corporate lobbyists.
On occasion Congress has tried to impose some control with arms export laws, but nothing has worked. By 1993, the U.S. had entered into agreements to supply over $31 billion in arms and training to 140 nations. The author, writing after Clinton’s first year, is already skeptical of White House rhetoric about curtailing the defense industry. (By now it’s clear that this skepticism was justified. One question now, in late 2001, is whether the war against terrorism will affect the situation one way or the other.)
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Kaufman, Richard F. The War Profiteers. New York: Bobbs-Merrill Company, 1970. 282 pages.
This book was written during the Vietnam war by Richard F. Kaufman, then an assistant to Senator William Proxmire (Kaufman was last spotted at the Woodrow Wilson Center). Here he soberly analyzes the military-industrial complex that Eisenhower warned against, and in the end it becomes clear why Vietnam went on for as long as it did — it was in the financial interest of powerful people to keep it going. By the last chapter one is convinced that neither Congress nor the President has the power needed to curtail military spending in a meaningful manner, even assuming that they wanted to.
The contracting and procurement system, nominally designed to protect the public interest, has been utterly corrupted. Pentagon officers cannot wait for early retirement, at which point they get hired by defense firms. In 1969, over two thousand retired officers were employed by the top 100 contractors — triple the number when Eisenhower made his farewell speech. The laws against conflicts of interest are toothless, and there is enough money at stake to make sure they stay that way. Cost overruns, along with zero accountability for weapons that don’t work, are built into the system with a wink and a nod, if not in writing. If Vietnam had not been conveniently available to prime the procurement pump, it’s probable that some other war would have been invented to take its place.
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Rich, Ben R. and Janos, Leo. Skunk Works: A Personal Memoir of My Years at Lockheed. New York: Little, Brown and Company, 1994. 370 pages.
In a hangar at the Burbank, California airport during the Cold War, Lockheed’s super-secret, windowless facility went by the name of “Skunk Works.” Ben Rich arrived in 1954 as an engineer, succeeded Clarence “Kelly” Johnson as director in 1975, and retired in 1991. Rich’s first assignment was the CIA’s U-2 spy plane. This was followed by the SR-71 Blackbird, a plane that broke records for speed and altitude. His crowning achievement was the F-117 stealth fighter. Essentially undetectable on enemy radar, this fighter proved effective in laser-guided bombing runs during the Gulf War. Rich was assisted in this autobiography by co-author Leo Janos, who also helped with the autobiography of test pilot Chuck Yeager.
This book is not for those who are interested in the dirty laundry of the Cold War. Rich is an engineer and manager, and doesn’t pretend to be a geopolitical strategist. His book is useful primarily as aviation history, and as a window on the defense industry, with its problems of procurement and over-classification. Skunk Works employees were given the freedom to turn out some impressive engineering over the years. Rich notes that the trend these days is toward increasing supervision and bureaucracy. U.S. corporations should follow the Skunk Works model, he feels, to maximize their capacity for innovation and better compete in the global economy.
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Sampson, Anthony. The Arms Bazaar. New York: Bantam Books, 1978. 401 pages.
“The Arms Bazaar” is his critical history of international arms merchants. Beginning with founders like Nobel and Krupp, Sampson works forward through the postwar “military-industrial complex” to our contemporaries who have turned Lebanon (and now Bosnia) into arms marts, and laboratories. Along the way, Sampson details the subterfuge, bribery, and power politics that inevitably shadow the arms trade. Sampson emphasizes the difficulties of controlling this industry. But he acknowledges that “the ordinary citizen” is right to lump the arms trade in with the slave trade, and be appalled at both.
The son of a research scientist, Oxford-educated journalist Anthony Sampson writes elegant and exhaustively-researched books about powerful and often secretive elite groups: South Africa’s white leadership, Britain’s ossified elites, a multinational pirate corporation, the world oil industry, the international arms trade, international bankers. Without truckling, Sampson is able to get far enough inside such circles to show us how the world looks through their eyes — while also providing a wealth of information that makes independent judgment possible.

Exclusive! The speech by Greek Minister of Foreign Affairs in the American Congress

September 29, 2006

SPEECH ON CAPITOL HILL

House International Relations Committee Hearing Room,

September 26, 2006, 18.30-21.00

Honourable Members of Congress,
It is my pleasure to be here tonight, in the heart of American
Democracy. It is also a great honour to have the opportunity to
meet you in this wonderful room, the House International Relations
Committee Hearing Room, which carries such significance in the
minds of us, Greeks. From this room, the voice of the American
people supporting our struggle for freedom and democracy was
heard during the difficult years of the dictatorship in Greece. Back
then, for those in exile, like my family, this voice provided an
important source of moral support, and constituted a source of
optimism for the future.
Greece and the US are incredibly long strategic and ideological
partners. The Founding Fathers of this nation were inspired by
Greek ideals, and the ideals of the American Revolution inspired, in
their turn, the Greek Revolution a few years later.
We stood always on the side of liberty together; throughout the
twentieth century Greece was one of only three countries in the
world, beyond the former British Empire, that allied with the United
States in every major international conflict. Today we still work
closely together for a stable and prosperous European South-East
and we cooperate in facing almost every major global challenge,
from Afghanistan to natural disasters. We are close allies and the
scope of our cooperation is significant in the economic field too.
Greece is a natural strategic partner of this great country: it is the
largest economy in the European South-East; the largest merchant
marine in the world;
Our country enjoys a geo-strategic position at the crossroads of
three continents, a fact which invites both strategists and economic
planners to strike fruitful bargains with it. We now work very hard
with the US to greatly expand our cooperation in all fields.
The support of Congress for Greek issues continues to this day and,
for this, I would like to extend to you my heartfelt thanks. I know
that, for a good number of years, a numerous group of
Representatives have formed the “Hellenic Caucus” that is very
active and very helpful; I would like to extend to them my deepest
appreciation for their support. I would also like to thank you for all
the Resolutions regarding a peaceful and just resolution of the
Cyprus problem, stability in the Aegean, human rights and the
unhindered function of the Patriarchate in Istanbul. I am thankful
also for all the relevant correspondence you have exchanged with
the Administration concerning these issues.

Honourable Members of Congress,

I would like to take the opportunity today to briefly draw your
attention upon a set of issues which we consider to be of utmost
importance. These issues may vary in their geographical
parameters and scope, yet they have one thing in common: they
are all about promoting peace, stability and prosperity.
Let me begin with the crisis in the Middle East; a part of the world
that preoccupies us all. I would like to start off by saying that
Greece shares with the United States the vision of expanding
freedom, democracy and human rights in this area of historic
importance for my country. Indeed, over the years, Greece has
managed to forge credible links with Israel, the Palestinians, and
the Arab world in general. As a result we enjoy close relations with
all countries and peoples in the region.
We believe that it is the right of both Israelis and Palestinians to live
in separate states within secure borders which should be clearly
recognized; I also believe that the peace process aimed at resolving
the problems between Israel and the Arabs in general should be
revived.
Greece, Presiding over the UN Security Council for the month of
September, worked hard for peace and stability in the Middle East.
Our efforts, I am proud to say, culminated in a extraordinary
meeting of the Security Council on a ministerial level – the first of
its kind in more than 22 years – where we had the chance to
discuss the Arab-Israeli conflict in general and the Palestine issue in
particular.
South East Europe is another region which is of utmost strategic,
political, and economic interest to us. It is also a region in which
Greece plays a pivotal role. The Balkans have often been
characterized as a region under EU influence – as “Europe’s back
yard.”

Yet the Balkans and South East Europe in general, are an area in
which the EU and the US work alongside one another,
complementing each other, and sharing the same vision for the
future of the region.
Greece’s strategic goal in the Balkans is to create the preconditions
for stability, functioning democratic processes and institutions,
intra-state cooperation, development and prosperity, as well as the
fulfillment of the political criteria which will allow all Balkan
countries to eventually become members of the EU and NATO.
Indeed, European integration, and the prospect of EU membership
is the single strongest soft power mechanism for engaging these
countries in reforms, for consolidating democracy and for making
their institutions more efficient and compatible with European
norms and standards. I would like to draw your attention
particularly to Kosovo, which makes, and will continue to make,
headline news as it redefines itself.
For Kosovo, we need to devise a win/win solution; a lasting and
sustainable solution, which will have the support, or at least the
consent, of both Belgrade and Pristina. We want to see a solution
for Kosovo based on the fundamental principle of respect for
difference.
Ladies and Gentlemen,

Turkey, the largest country of South Eastern Europe is, naturally,
also a concern of ours. Our bilateral relations with Turkey are set on
a new track in the last few years. Cooperation covers a wide
spectrum of fields, expands steadily and helps improve the political
climate between the two countries.
However, Turkey’s military activity in the Aegean is a cause of
serious concern to Greece and hinders our efforts to pursue our
policy of rapprochement.
Another thorn in our, and of course the EU’s, relations with Turkey,
is that country’s stance towards the Greek-Orthodox Ecumenical
Patriarchate in Istanbul. Despite the fact that the Patriarch is the
spiritual leader of 300 million Orthodox Christians in the United
States and throughout the world, the Turkish government refuses to
recognize the Ecumenical character and historical rights of the
Patriarchate, as the Head of the world’s Orthodox Christians instead
of merely a local Prelate. That poses a series of grave problems
pertaining to the election of a Patriarch, the training of the Orthodox
clergy and others.

This is why it is of utmost importance that Turkey be convinced to
change its policies by accepting the Ecumenical Patriarchate’s
international recognition and ecclesiastic authority, by recognizing
the right to train its clergy of all nationalities, and by reaffirming the
property rights of the Ecumenical Patriarchate. The re-opening of
the Halki Seminary, which has bipartisan support in the US, should
also be addressed.
It is important to stress that the respect shown to the Ecumenical
Patriarchate and to its rights, is to the benefit of Turkey herself. It
can help demonstrate not only that Turkey is a country
safeguarding the freedom of religion, but also the importance of
Turkey as the home of Christianity’s second largest denomination.
On our part, we reaffirm our political will to work towards
consolidating relations of friendship and cooperation with Turkey,
based on the full respect of international law and good neighborly
relations. Indeed, Greece actively supports Turkey’s European
orientation. We believe that her European perspective can be
conducive to regional peace and stability. Nevertheless, it is now
high time for Turkey to prove, in practice, that she can and really
intends to conform to the institutional, political and economic acquis
of the EU. We hope that she will take all necessary steps in order to
fully meet the criteria and the obligations stemming from her
European perspective.
This is a prerequisite which all countries wishing to join the Union,
including Greece, have been asked to fulfill.
Last but not least, the Cyprus issue is naturally linked with our
relations with Turkey, yet it retains its strong independent
character. Our government remains steadfastly committed to
reaching a just and viable solution for the reunification of Cyprus.
The principles that must guide us in seeking a fair, functional, and
viable solution are clear: full consideration of all the work done by
the UN; international law, and all the relevant Security Council
Resolutions. Last, but not least, the acquis communautaire; we
cannot overlook the fact that Cyprus is now a full member of the
European Union and that both Greek and Turkish Cypriots are going
to live in the European framework.
Any initiatives that consolidate the separation of the island, by
leading to political upgrading of the illegal regime in northern
occupied Cyprus, are counterproductive to the efforts of
reunification. We take the view that any new initiative will have to
be carefully prepared, so as to ensure real chances for success. Our
ultimate goal remains a mutually agreed and certainly not an
imposed solution between the two parties.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Greece is, I believe, a pole of stability, peace, and development in
South East Europe. Being the only member of both the European
Union and NATO in the region, we actively participate in
consolidating democracy, peace and stability, the rule of law and in
promoting economic prosperity throughout the region.
Today, we are united in the fight against terrorism, in its multitude
of forms. We may at times approach this battle differently, yet
ultimately, we have a common goal: freedom and the right to live in
peace. We have gone a long way in Greece in fighting internal
terrorism. In the fight against terrorism, Greece undertook
sweeping actions, both to eradicate domestic terrorist networks and
to provide wide-ranging assistance in the various fronts of the war
on terror. We are an ally of the United States and, moreover, we
believe that we are a valuable ally.
This is why Greece’s participation in the Visa Waiver Program, which
allows citizens from 27 countries to visit the United States as
tourists without visas, is of utmost importance for the Greek
government.
It is our sincere conviction that Greece’s inclusion in the VWP will
constitute the missing link to an already far-reaching bilateral
relationship. Participation in the VWP will strengthen and cement
the security partnership of the United States with a longstanding
friend and ally. It will facilitate short-term business travel and
enhance tourism between the two countries. In addition, it will be a
source of pride for millions of Americans of Greek decent, making it
easier for them to welcome their Greek relatives in the United

Distinguished Members of Congress,

As you can see from my brief overview, we consider Greece a key
player, a key ally, and a longstanding friend of the United States.
We stand solidly and with determination to our deeply held
principles and beliefs, defending our ideas and doing our utmost to
promote democracy, the rule of law, prosperity, and freedom. We
stand united with our European partners, in our efforts to make our
world a more prosperous, socially just, and safer place to live.
Thank you.

www.strategicanalysis.i-blog.gr is aimed at providing up to date OSINT information. The weblog also wants to thank all the readers for their warm comments.

Country profile- South Korea-

September 29, 2006

Capital: Seoul

Land surface: 99,646 Sq. Km

Population: 48,5 million-2006-

Life expectancy: 74 yrs men, 81 yrs women

Political system: Presidential Republic

Currency: Youan-964 Youan for a USD(07/2006)

Reserves: 211 billion USD-2005-

GDP: 788 billion USD-2005-

GDP growth: 4% -2005-

Income per capita: 16,300 USD-2005-

Production: Services(56,3%), Minerals(28,8%), Construction(9,2%), Agriculture(3,3%), Other(2,4%)

Exports: 285 billion USD-2005-

Imports: 262 billion USD-2005

Main products: Electronics, automobiles, ships, steel, chemicals

Main corporations: Samsung Electronics, Hyundai Motor, POSCO, LG Electronics

Science & Technology: Korea has the largest student population in the world-26 students per 100 citizens.-

Defense expenditure: Approximately 20 billion Euro-2005-

H.A.A.R.P:High-Frequency Active Auroral Research Program

September 29, 2006

HAARP is a Pentagon sponsored radio physics project, officially intended to expand knowledge about the nature of long-range radio communications and surveillance using the fluctuating Ionosphere (the portion of the upper atmosphere extending from 35 to 500 miles above the earth’s surface).
According to John L. Heckscher of Philips Laboratory at Hanscom Air Force Base, potential military applications of the HAARP research include developing Department of Defense technology for detecting cruise missiles and communicating with submarines. “Although HAARP is being managed by the Air Force and the Navy it is purely a scientific facility that poses no threat to potential adversaries and has no value as a military target,” he says. But thats just the publicly announced part. The HAARP also has a secret agenda, pursuing more exotic military goals, such as locating deeply buried weapons factories thousands of miles away, and even altering local weather conditions above the enemy’s territory.

A 1990 internal document obtained by Popular Science says the programs over-all goal is to “control ionosphere processes in such a way as to greatly improve the performance of military command, control, and communications systems.” It provides a description of the following applications:

Injecting high frequency radio energy into the ionosphere to create huge, extremely low frequency (ELF) virtual antennas used for earth penetrating tomography – peering deep beneath the surface of the ground by collecting and analyzing reflected ELF waves beamed down from above.
Heating regions of the lower and upper ionosphere to form virtual “lenses” and “mirrors” that can reflect a broad range of radio frequencies far over the horizon to detect stealth cruise missiles and aircraft. (The electrons temperature range between -130° F to 302° F which extend across four layers from 35 to 500 miles in altitude. Heating the ionosphere means exciting the electrons. The HAARP is expected to raise electron temperatures by 40° F.)
Generating ELF radio waves in the ionosphere to communicate across large distances with deeply submerged submarines.
Patent documents filed during an earlier research effort that evolved into the HAARP program outline further military applications of ionospheric-heating technology:
Creating a “full global shield” that would destroy ballistic missiles by overheating their electronic guidance systems as they fly through a powerful radio energy field.
Distinguishing nuclear warheads from decoys by sensing their elemental composition.
Manipulating local weather conditions.
A more powerful version of the HAARP could create a global shield that would encompass the earth, any missile or warhead passing through the shield would explode.
The Killer Side of HAARP

HAARP of course sends massive ammounts of radio waves out into the atmosphere. Some are reflected and come back to earth, if used correctly all the waves could return back to earth. What if you pointed those returning waves at a point. Well simple research has shown that massive ammounts of these waves can cause mental insanity, or even death. Small ammounts have shown to cause animals to loose track of thier migratory patterns. Well imagine hitting the enemy with a small dosage. The troops would be confused and lost, unable to fight back. Imagine a large dose, all living life would be wiped out. However factories, electronics, weapons, ect would all be left in working order, a whole stable area, built and ready for habitation. Isnt this the dream weapon?

Key Points:HAARP is destroying the ionosphere,if HAARP starts destroying more and more of the ionosphere life on earth would become unsuitable: HAARP Weapons systems can:
1) Fry the minds of an entire army in the field of battle in a matter of minutes;

2) Destroy all incoming missiles at once, and all satellites instantaneously;

3) Redirect the Jet Stream, control the weather, create storms steer the storms, and even cause earthquakes;
 
4) Put thoughts into people’s minds and control their emotions; 5) Renders nuclear weapons and their delivery systems obsolete.

NATO opens Belgrade office

September 29, 2006

Source: Beta
BELGRADE — Zoran Stanković has announced the opening of a NATO office in Belgrade which will liaise with the Ministry of Defense.

Defense Minister’s aide Snežana Marković-Samardžić said the office will also serve to assist transit arrangements for NATO troops passing through Serbian territory. According to her, the office will be opened by the end of October, while the suggestion is that it be located in the Ministry of Defense building.

Defense Minister Zoran Stanković took part in the Southeastern Europe defense ministers’ conference in Tirana, when Serbia was admitted as observer to the Defense Cooperation Initiative. He believes this represents the first step toward the membership in NATO’s Partnership for Peace program and other Euro-Atlantic integrations.

The Southeaster Europe Cooperation Initiative was established in 1996, with the intention to strengthen the cooperation with Italy and the U.S. in the defense sector.

OSINT Management and the Greek paradigm

September 29, 2006

Greece is a country situated in some of the most volative geostrategic areas of the world such as Estern Mediteranean and the Balkans. Moreover its corporations heavily invest there and have incetive to collect and most importanlty be able to analyze all relevant information to their business needs. Unfortunately up to now no cohesive policy has been implemented in that field, even though the importance of OSINT Manangement information is widely recognized across the world. Even countries like Cuba and Burma have established OSINT units in their departments of Foreign Affairs or defense, thus understanding the need for conclusive and continuous information flow. If one is to imagine the advantages that an organization can have by really comprehending the world around him; then he would do his uttermost in order to acquire an OSINT tool.

In modern day Greece there is only one institution-“Knowledge cell” of OSINT Management-Among other specializations-. The Research Institute on European & American Studies-RIEAS-. Its website, www.rieas.gr is full of interesting work and useful information on publications and events. Most importantly the human resources of the institute are capable of conducting state of the art analytic work and the institute encompasses specialities from a variety of backgrounds. Thus it is able to view every issue from different angles and produce balanced and non-biased appraisal. Since it is the first and only initiative in the Greek society it would be interesting for all readers that reside in Greece to take a glimpse at least, in the RIEAS website and should they want, to pose questions or ask for consultantion.

The author of this weblog is affiliated in Greece with the RIEAS and unconditionally confirms its credibility and capability in OSINT Management.

www.rieas.gr